(CSF3) Inégalité de genre dans le travail domestique non rémunéré

Thursday Jun 20 3:30 pm to 5:00 pm (Eastern Daylight Time)
En line via la SCS

Session Code: CSF3
Session Format: Présentations
Session Language: Anglais, français
Research Cluster Affiliation: Critical Sociology of Families, Work, and Care
Session Categories: Bilingue, En ligne - SCS

L’inégalité de genre dans le travail non rémunéré persiste. Bien qu’il y ait eu des progrès dans la réduction de l’écart entre les genres au cours des dernières décennies, des recherches récentes indiquent que ces progrès ont stagné et, dans certains cas, même ont régressé pendant la pandémie de COVID-19. Cette session invite à soumettre des articles qui examinent de manière critique les réalités de l’inégalité de genre dans le travail non rémunéré. Nous accueillons à la fois des travaux théoriques et empiriques qui explorent la répartition du travail non rémunéré au sein des ménages hétérosexuels et homosexuels, allant au-delà des explications conventionnelles basées sur les ressources économiques. Nous sommes particulièrement intéressés par les soumissions qui s’engagent de manière critique dans la recherche sur la gestion du temps. Dans l’ensemble, cette session offrira un espace de discussion parmi les chercheurs s’intéressant au travail non rémunéré dans le domaine de la sociologie canadienne. Tags: Égalité et Inégalité, Parentalité Et Familles, Travail Et Professions

Organizer: Kamila Kolpashnikova, Western University; Chair: Kamila Kolpashnikova, Western University

Presentations

Kamila Kolpashnikova, Western University

Gender Dynamics in Domestic Labour: Understanding Housework Distribution Among Older Couples in South Korea

Our paper examines the interplay between different family models and the allocation of domestic chores among senior couples. We use data from the 2019 Korean Time Use Survey to investigate the proportion of housework undertaken by wives in four distinct family models: dual-income, traditional (with the husband as the sole earner), wife as the primary earner, and retired couples, where at least one partner was 65 years old or older (analytic sample size: 1,564). The findings reveal a consistent pattern of uneven housework distribution in senior couples, with wives contributing over 70% of total domestic chores in every family model. Notably, in families where the wife is the breadwinner, her share of housework was markedly less compared to dual-income households. This suggests that retired husbands, in scenarios where their wives are still employed, allocate a portion of their leisure time to household duties. The study also highlights that economic factors, such as income, and gender ideologies have a marginal impact on the division of housework among senior couples. In contrast, health stands out as a significant factor in how retired couples divide domestic responsibilities. Partners in these couples tend to undertake more household chores when their significant others report poor health.


Non-presenting author: Seung-Eun Cha, Suwon

Haiyan Zhou, University of Toronto; Shanghai University

Understanding Intergenerational Co-Parenting Shifts: A Qualitative Inquiry into the Parenting Division of Working Mothers and Grandmothers in Urban China

Grandmothers childcare is common in East Asia and widespread in both urban and rural China. Despite considerable research devoted to the study of Chinese intergenerational co-parenting, none has focused systematically on the division and roles of bilateral grandmothers in co-parenting. Drawing on data from 46 married, child-rearing women (born 1950-1999), this paper contributes in-depth knowledge about collaboration and division in intergenerational co-parenting along the bilateral family lines (paternal and maternal grandmothers). Additionally, it explores variations in intergenerational co-parenting among women from different generations using a comparative perspective. Based on economic, political and fertility policy differences during their birth and upbringing, we categorized all interviewees into four generations: the Builder Generation (born1950-1964,10 participants); the Transitioner Generation (born1965-1979,11 participants); the Early-Reform Generation (born1980-1989,13 participants); and the Late-Reform Generation (born1990-1999,12 participants). We conduct this study based on the Mosaic Familism Theory. As a localized theory of Chinese families, the Mosaic Familism Theory employs an intersectional perspective of generations and gender, emphasizing the resilience and reshaping of intergenerational relations in post-reform China. It describes an emerging bilateral family mode featured by both traditional norms and modern practices focusing on individuals’ daily life logic, where parents and adult children are interdependent through financial assistance, emotional and care support to withstand the rising living costs, care demand and uncertainties in the era of marketization and globalization. The authors find different generational working mothers all experienced co-parenting with grandmothers for their underage children but with notable differences. Firstly, under varied socioeconomic structures and reproductive support systems, each generation developed era-specific parenting patterns. The builder generation devoted themselves to socialist construction and sacrificed their private family for the country. They trusted the public childcare and put children in daycare from early months—grandmothers childcare just for special occasions, like postpartum period and emergencies. The transitioner generation encountered market reform during their child-rearing period. They suffered the large-scale SOEs’ layoffs and were encouraged to return home. They emphasized mothers’ responsibilities with low expectations for intergenerational co-parenting, being full-time mothers for years through layoffs, unpaid leave and sick leave. In the post-reform era, childcare became marketized and privatized. The early-reform generation suffered serious parenting-work conflicts and relied on one grandmother for childcare. Conversely, the late-reform generation got bilateral grandmothers’ support in parenting owning lower fertility rates. Secondly, different generations experienced varying task divisions and roles in intergenerational co-parenting. In the builder generation, grandmothers were a supplement to mothers, providing brief care only during special occasions. In the transitioner generation, grandmothers served as assistants in housework. But in post-reform, collaboration and division became intricate and closely knit. In the early-reform generation, grandmothers became indispensable supporters in daily care and physical tasks, allowing mothers to focus on emotional, leisure and academic support within their limited family time. In the late-reform generation, mothers regarded grandmothers as obedient partners, with younger mothers designing parenting rules while grandmothers executed tasks involving every aspect of children’s lives. Thirdly, since China’s 1949 revolution, maternal grandmothers increasingly engage in intergenerational parenting, showing a trend of both maternal and paternal childcare coexisting. In the former two generations, mothers briefly collaborated with one grandmother based on parenting convenience and feasibility. Early-reform mothers preferred co-parenting with maternal grandmothers due to deeper emotional bonds and also to avoid conflicts with mothers-in-law. Late-reform mothers simultaneously benefited from multifaceted assistance, including care, time and financial support from the bilateral grandmothers. These findings suggest that each generation of women has developed distinct parenting patterns and intergenerational co-parenting methods within the diverse contexts of societal-economic and family policies. Furthermore, intergenerational relationships have become increasingly close, even giving rise to an emerging bilateral family model.


Non-presenting authors: Yingchun Ji, Shanghi University; Melissa Milkie, University of Toronto

Parveen Nangia, Laurentian University; Lima Nizami, Laurentian University

Unpaid Caregiving by Immigrants in Canada

Although important, the work carried out by informal caregivers is often overlooked or characterized as “invisible”. Unpaid caregiving is strenuous for immigrants who have limited resources and networks to depend upon and struggle to settle down in a new country. This study examines the characteristics of immigrants who provide care to their loved ones (family members and friends) suffering from a long-term health condition, a disability or aging-related problems, the type of care provided, time spent in providing such unpaid care, additional sources used for support, and the effect of caregiving on family life and career of care providers. It also attempts to predict the likelihood of a person providing such care from one’s socio-demographic traits. Data for this study are derived from the General Social Survey (GSS), 2018 (Canada): Cycle 32, Caregiving and Care Receiving. The Survey was conducted in 2018 (April-December) and collected data from 20,258 Canadians, including 3,525 landed immigrants. Researchers obtaineddata from the Public Use Microdata File (PUMF). Preliminary results of the study show that, in general, caregiving was seen more as a rewarding experience by the immigrants than a stressful experience even though it affected their physical and emotional health, and family and social life. For performing their caregiving duties, largely they received support from their families and to a small extent from the government. The analysis also shows that older immigrants, married or previously married, and those with higher family incomes were more likely to provide unpaid care to their family members and friends.